Likewise, we will trade off the higher pleasure and lesser income cost of a candlelight dinner at household against the freedom from preparation and cleanup we attain by going out.
Such trade-offs exist in each every of household life. You'll find other trade-offs that exist as between household forms. In societies wherever polygamy is an institution, far more women will get married, but some will have to share a husband. In this book, Becker is employing the principles of economics--which are, fundamentally, the principles of alternative in between limited alternatives--to check this sort of fundamental family relationships as marriage and childraising. He shows how the impulse to maximize utility, the uncomplicated impulse in economic theory, bears even on our affective relationships with spouses and children. He goes on to reach conclusions on the logical consequences of various options concerning family members forms structure and of some feasible public policies toward families. The nature of some of his conclusions, in turn, invite debate over a nature, validity, and limitations of this technique to family relationships.
The method adopted by Becker is extremely quantitative within the theoretical sense: he is concerned not with "facts and figures" but using a close mathematical examination of
The history of a prominent modern home provides an exciting test of this hypothesis. In the 1980s, Hillary Rodham Clinton worked like a high-powered corporate lawyer, earning some two hundred thousand dollars per year. Her husband, as Governor of Arkansas, created only some thirty thousand per year (plus use of the governor's mansion). In terms of family goals and strategy, it probably would have created no difference if the governorship had been a nonpaying position. In effect, Bill Clinton was creating a property investment toward future electability as President. Their situations are now reversed; Hillary's
On the other hand, non-market products tend being additive; charming and witty individuals enjoy a single another's business more than they appreciate the business of dull people. Our stockbroker could possibly be no much better off marrying her talented fellow-stockbroker than the impoverished writer; she will likely feel she is far better off marrying either of them than a boring fellow-stockbroker.
What Decker has done in this case is to confuse a physical relationship with an economic relationship. In pre-modern times it was additional efficient for childrearing women to work physically in or around house most of the time, but this did not correspond always or usually to the sort of production she was engaged in. Therefore, Decker assumes a natural economic division of labor by gender that may be not supported by his assumptions. His analysis consequently seems superficially to support conclusions which in fact it does not.
One of Decker's theses, introduced early during the book, is that a logical division of labor exists among market and residence productivity. Given non-identical partners, one is most likely to be far more productive in the 1 sphere, another partner from the other. It is a non-efficient allocation of resources for (say) a much less market-productive husband to enter the marketplace until the full capability productivity from the additional market-produ
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